Brother Muller reported that in October of 1835 the first shots of the Texas Revolution occurred when the Texas Navy captured a Mexican navel vessel during the first open conflict of the Texas Revolution.
Here is the story of this part of the presentation. In August 1835, the schooner San Felipe was sent from New Orleans to Brazoria, heavily armed and loaded with munitions meant for Texas revolutionaries. Also on board was Stephen F. Austin, just released from his imprisonment in Mexico. His presence was no coincidence, as Austin's ordeal had convinced him that peace with Mexico was hopeless. He was now committed to the revolutionary cause.
When Austin returned to San Felipe, a committee for the jurisdiction of Austin reported in the Telegraph:
DOCUMENTS Relative to the Political State of the Country, and to the Passing Events
Committee-Room, San Felipe de Austin, October 8, 1835, 12 o’clock at night.
The Committee of Safety for the Jurisdiction of Austin, in conjunction with other committees in different parts of the country, say to their fellow-citizens: that
The time has now arrived when it behoves every friend to this country to be up and doing. Intelligence of the most interesting and important character has just reached this Committee from the camp of our countrymen. Colonel Ugartechea is on his march from Bejar with 500 men, to overrun our country.They come to make us yield an unconditional and slavish submission to a military usurpation. They come to fasten down upon our necks the yoke, and to refit upon our hands the manacles of a military servitude. Gonzales is doomed to the sword and the flame. Colorado will next be the theater of blood and rapine—then Brazos—till every spot of our rich and fertile country shall present to the eye but one wide scene of devastation, and we, the rightful proprietors, be driven from the soil which we have made valuable by our labor and hardy enterprise.
Shall we give up without a struggle, the fruits of so many years of danger, difficulty and unparalleled suffering? Shall we surrender our country and our homes to a military usurpation? Are we willing to forego all the advantages held out to us as the recompense of the most daring enterprise? Can we let a military despot reap the harvest after we have sown the seeds?
This Committee is ready to answer for their countrymen; and they answer by calling upon them to come, and come quickly, to the assistance of their friends, their neighbors and their brothers, three hundred of whom are already in the field–colonel Austin is with them. These have to contend with the whole of the Mexican army; but they will contend bravely; they will dispute every inch of ground with their invaders until the expected aid shall arrive.
Members of the Com. Of Austin: Gail Borden Jr., WM. Pettis, Jno. H. MoneyMember from Matagorda: R. R. RoyallMember for Harisburg: Isaac Batterson
Delivered on the 8th of September, 1835, at a public dinner in Brazoria, given in honor of his return to Texas.
“I cannot refrain from returning my unfeigned thanks for the flattering sentiments with which I have just been honored, nor have I words to express my satisfaction on returning to this my more than native country, and meeting so many of my friends and companions in its settlement.”
“I left Texas in April, 1833, as the public agent of the people, for the purpose of applying for the admission of this country into the Mexican confederation as a state separate from Coahuila. This application was based upon the constitutional and vested rights of Texas, and was sustained by me in the city of Mexico to the utmost of my abilities. No honorable means were spared to effect the objects of my mission, and to oppose the forming of Texas into a territory, which was attempted.”
“I rigidly adhered to the instructions and wishes of my constituents, so far as they were communicated to me. My efforts to serve Texas involved me in the labyrinth of Mexican politics: I was arrested, and have suffered a long persecution and imprisonment. I consider it to be my duty to give an account of these events to my constituents, and will therefore at this time merely observe that I have never, in any manner, agreed to any thing, or admitted any thing, that would compromise the constitutional or vested rights of Texas. These rights belong to the people, and can only be surrendered by them.”
“I fully hoped to have found Texas at peace and in tranquility, but regret to find it in commotion; all disorganized, all in anarchy, and threatened with immediate hostilities. This state of things is deeply to be lamented: it is a great misfortune, but it is one which has not been produced by any acts of the people of this country: on the contrary, it is the natural and inevitable consequence of the revolution that has spread all over Mexico, and of the imprudent and impolitic measures of both the general and state governments, with respect to Texas.”
“The people here are not to blame, and cannot be justly censured. They are farmers, cultivators of the soil and are pacific from interest, from occupation, and from inclination. They have uniformly endeavored to sustain the Constitution and the public peace by pacific means, and have never deviated from their duty as Mexican citizens. If any acts of imprudence have been committed by individuals, they evidently resulted from the revolutionary state of the whole nation, the imprudent and censurable conduct of the state authorities, and the total want of a local government in Texas.
It is, indeed, a source of surprise and creditable congratulation, that so few acts of this description have occurred under the peculiar circumstances of the time. It is, however, to be remembered that acts of this nature were not the acts of the people, nor is Texas responsible for them. They were, as I before observed, the natural consequences of the revolutionary state of the Mexican nation; and Texas certainly did not originate that revolutionary state of the Mexican nation; neither have the people, as a people, participated in it. The consciences and hands of the Texans are free from censure, and clean.”
“The revolution in Mexico is drawing to a close. The object is to change the form of government, destroy the federal Constitution of 1824, and establish a central or consolidated government. The states are to be converted into provinces.”
“Whether the people of Texas ought or ought not to agree to this change, and relinquish all or a part of their constitutional and vested rights under the Constitution of 1824, is a question of the most vital importance; one that calls for the deliberate consideration of the people, and can only be decided by them, fairly convened for the purpose. As a citizen of Texas I have a right to an opinion on so important a matter–I have no other right, and pretended to no other. In the report which I consider it my duty to make to my constituents, I intend to give my views on the present situation of the country, and especially as to the constitutional and natural rights of Texas, and will, therefore, at this time, merely touch this subject.”
“Under the Spanish government, Texas was a separate and distinct province. As such it had a separate and distinct local organization. It was one of the unities that composed the general mass of the nation, and as such participated in the war of the revolution, and was represented in the constituent Congress of Mexico, that formed the constitution of 1824. This constituent Congress, so far from destroying this unity, expressly recognized and confirmed it by the law of May 7, 1824, which united Texas with Coahuila provisionally, under the especial guarantee of being made a state of the Mexican confederation, as soon as it possessed the necessary elements.”
“That law and the federal Constitution gave to Texas a specific political existence, and vested in its inhabitants special and defined rights, which can only be relinquished by the people of Texas, acting for themselves as a unity, and not as a part of Coahuila, for the reason that the union with Coahuila was limited, and only gave power to the state of Coahuila and Texas to govern Texas for the time being, but always subject to the vested rights of Texas. The state, therefore, cannot relinquish those vested rights, by agreeing to the change of government, or by any other act, unless expressly authorized by the people of Texas to do so; neither can the general government of Mexico legally deprive Texas of them without the consent of this people. These are my opinions.”
“An important question now presents itself to the people of this country. The Federal Constitution of 1824 is about to be destroyed, the system of government changed, and a central or consolidated one established. Will this act annihilate all the rights of Texas, and subject this country to the uncontrolled and unlimited dictation of the new government?”
“This is a subject of the most vital importance. I have no doubt the federal constitution will be destroyed, and a central government established, and that the people will soon be called upon to say whether they agree to the change or not. This matter requires the most calm discussion, the most mature deliberation, and the most perfect union. How is this to be had? I see but one way, and that is by a general consultation of the people by means of delegates elected for that purpose, with full powers to give such an answer, in the name of Texas, to this question, as they may deem best, and to adopt such measures as the tranquility and salvation of the country may require.”
“It is my duty to state that general Santa Ana verbally and expressly authorized me to say to the people of Texas, that he was their friend, that he wished for their prosperity, and would do all he could to promote it; and that, in the new constitution, he would use his influence to give the people of Texas a special organization suited to their education, habits, and situation. Several of the most intelligent and influential men in Mexico, and especially the Ministers of Relations and War, expressed themselves in the same manner. These declarations afford another and more urgent necessity for a general consultation of all Texas, in order to inform the general government, and especially General Santa Ana, what kind of organization will suit the education, habits, and situation of this people.”
“It is also proper for me to state that, all my conversation with the President and ministers and men of influence, I advised that no troops should be sent to Texas, and no cruisers along the coast. I gave it as my decided opinion, that the inevitable consequence of sending an armed force to this country would be war. I stated that there was a sound and correct moral principle in the people of Texas, that was abundantly sufficient to restrain or put down all turbulent or seditious movements, but that this moral principle could not and would not unite with any armed force sent against this country: on the contrary, it would resist and repel it, and ought to do so.”
“This point presents another strong reason why the people of Texas should meet in general consultation. This country is now in anarchy, threatened with hostilities; armed vessels are capturing every thing they can catch on the coast, and acts of piracy are said to be committed under cover of the Mexican flag. Can this state of things exist without precipitating the country into a war? I think it cannot, and therefore believe that it is our bounded and solemn duty as Mexicans, and as Texians, to represent the evils that are likely to result from this mistaken and most impolitic policy in the military movements.”
“My friends, I can truly say that no one has been, or is now, more anxious than myself to keep trouble away from this country. No one has been, or now is more faithful to his duty as a Mexican citizen, and no one has personally sacrificed or suffered more in the discharge of this duty. I have uniformly been opposed to have anything to do with the family political quarrels of the Mexicans. Texas needs peace, and a local government: its inhabitants are farmers, and they need a calm and quiet life. But how can I, or any one, remain indifferent, when our rights, our all, appear to be in jeopardy, and when it is our duty, as well as our obligation as good Mexican citizens, to express our opinions on the present state of things, and to represent our situation to the government? It is impossible.”
“With these explanatory remarks I will give as a toast – The constitutional rights and the security and peace of Texas – they ought to be maintained; and jeopardized as they now are, they demand a general consultation of the people.”
The Rest of the Story
With all due respect to Paul Harvey, the editor wishes to include this brief synopsis from Wikipedia of the background of what transpired after the publication of Austin’s speech.
The Mexican War of Independence (1810-1821) severed Spain's control over much of its North American territories, including Texas.
The 1824 Constitution of Mexico defined the new country as a federal republic with nineteen states and four territories. The provinces of Texas and Coahuila were combined to become the state Coahuila y Tejas.
The new government liberalized immigration policies for the region. Under the General Colonization Law people from the United States could, for the first time, legally settle in Texas. Large tracts of land were granted to empresarios, who were responsible for recruiting settlers and establishing communities in Texas. Tejanos, Texas residents of Mexican descent, were soon vastly outnumbered by Anglos. By 1834, an estimated 30,000 Anglos lived in Coahuila y Tejas, compared to only 7,800 Tejanos.
During early 1835, throughout Mexico federalists began to oppose the increasingly centralist policies of the government, one in which both executive and legislative power is concentrated centrally at a higher level as opposed to power being more distributed into various lower level governments.
Seeking a centralist government operating under his control, Santa Anna overturned the 1824 Constitution, dismissed the state legislatures, and ordered all militias disbanded. Federalists throughout Mexico (those favoring a mode of government that combines a general government or "federal" government, with regional governments or other sub-unit governments in a single political system, dividing the powers between the two) were appalled.
In June 1835, one group staged a minor revolt against customs duties in Anahuac. Civic leaders in Mina were so disgusted they called for public meetings to determine whether settlers supported independence, a return to federalism, or the status quo. The ayuntamientos of both Columbia and San Felipe quickly endorsed the suggestion. They hoped that a political convention would make it quite clear that the majority of Texians did not support the Anahuac radicals.
As a response to the Anahuac disturbances, the commander of the Mexican army in Texas, Domingo de Ugartechea, requested reinforcements. Small groups of Mexican soldiers began arriving in early August; in response, local municipalities formed Committees of Correspondence and Safety and unofficial militias.
On August 9, citizens at a public meeting in Brazoria again broached the idea of a larger political convention. In the summer, Texians elected delegates to a political convention to be held in Gonzales in mid-October. Weeks before the convention, the Texian Militia, at the Battle of Gonzales, took up arms against Mexican soldiers sent to confiscate the community’s defensive cannon.
The proposed political gathering, which became known as the Consultation, was endorsed by Stephen F. Austin, the first empresario in Texas, on September 8 as you have read above. This solidified support throughout the Anglo colonies. Austin became the de facto leader of the Consultation, making plans for the gathering, which would convene on October 15. He requested that each community send one delegate early, to form a Permanent Council to start gathering opinions.
On November 3 in San Antonio, a quorum for the convention was reached. Within days, the delegates passed a resolution to define why Texians were fighting. They expressed allegiance to the deposed Constitution of 1824 and maintained their right to form the General Council. In the next weeks, the council authorized the creation of a new regular army to be commanded by Sam Houston.
The Texian Government served as the provisional government of Mexican Texas from the calling of the Consultation in October 1835 to March 1836 during the Texas Revolution when The Texian defeated Santa Anna and Texas declared its independence from the Mexican government, centralist or federalist.
The newly formed Republic of Texas shared borders with Mexico, the Republic of the Rio Grande (another Mexican breakaway republic), and with the United States and its territories.
…and there you have (the beginning of) “the rest of the story”.
No comments:
Post a Comment